英语演讲稿10篇[经典]
演讲稿在写作上具有一定的格式要求。在充满活力，日益开放的今天，能够利用到演讲稿的场合越来越多，怎么写演讲稿才能避免踩雷呢？以下是小编为大家整理的英语演讲稿，欢迎大家分享。
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英语演讲稿1
I have a wonderful dream in my heart。 It's to speak English very well。Since English is everything for me。 English is my best friend.English is mysoul。 English is my power。 Without English，I'm nothing at all。 Nothing。 Now，Ican think in English，speak in English，and write in English. Some people thinkI'm an Indian。 Some people regard I'm a Pakistan. And some people even considerthat I'm an Egyptian. But if I could speak English as good as an American，myfuture would be brilliant. So I work very hard.
英语演讲稿2
Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or inAsiaconstituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in
Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.
The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature— and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.
The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility—great accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
英语演讲稿3
大家好，我今天演讲的题目是“我的梦想”。
每个人都有梦想，而且很好，我也不例外。我有一个小小的梦想，当我达到目标时，我会实现更多的梦想。开始，我还是个婴儿，一心想变得很强壮，像少林寺里的孩子一样，武功高强。但是我觉得离开父母去很远的地方练武，辛苦，有点舍不得。小时候，我有一个梦想，我希望我有钱。大人问：小姑娘，有了钱你打算怎么办？我要去买泡泡糖"如果你有很多钱？
我打算买很多泡泡糖。"如果你有钱花的话？我会买泡泡糖工厂。"天真的童年我们的确有一颗善良的心，幸福和快乐是同一首曲子。
慢慢进入小学，课程越来越深，知识越来越多。会感受到压力。现在我有一个梦想。我希望我没有；我每天没有很多作业要做。玩的有点剥夺，而我们40%的日子都禁锢在教室里，很多时间都在学习。但是在学习面前，是一种模糊的知识。俗话说，一种罕见的困惑。对事物的'理解，从封建主义到资本主义，越大越觉得自己的观点是正确的。每天放学回家后忙了一天一夜的课，他又困又累，吃不到深夜吃的食物。这样的生活很单调，可能有时候会想念我的很多小学同学，有时候会带着一节课或者一副朦胧的睡相。讨厌死板的校服，我从来不到处穿。周六，周日；时间很短，孩子很想磨炼，慢慢了解生活；太难了，努力吧，梦想好了，我会努力让每个人都生活起来，早起晚睡，把握住自己，不再松懈。我也想为他们的梦想而奋斗。
我的演讲结束了，谢谢！
英语演讲稿4
good morning, my dear teachers and my is my great pleasure to stand here to introduce my k you for your listening. Good afternoon,teachers and my follew y i am going to talk about " my dream "
英语演讲稿5
，有时候，我会观看英语卡通片.它很有趣.接着我发现语言的美丽，开始了我在英语世界里丰富多彩的的梦.
我希望总有一天我能够在世界各地旅游.我要到美国华盛顿访问，因为我的表哥是在那里.当然，我要到伦敦，因为英国是英语语言的发源地.如果我能在剑桥大学骑上我的自行车，我会很高兴的.
我希望我能够与世界上每一个人说流利的英语.同时，我对他们来介绍一下中国，如长城和苏州园林.我会教世界人民了解我们国家美丽的.语言.
我喜欢英语.学英语实在是太好了.曾经我想成为一名英语教师.我也喜欢中国文学.当我年轻的时候，我能记住大量的诗歌.我也想成为一名教师的中文.现在我认为我的梦想可以成真：我将能够使用英语教外国朋友中文和与他们分享中华文化.使越来越多的人们将能够结识五千年的历史文化，繁荣我们伟大的中国.
我的未来不是梦.我深信它会成真!
英语演讲稿6
I have a wonderful dream in my heart. It's to speak English very well.Since English is everything for me. English is my best ish is mysoul. English is my power. Without English，I'm nothing at all. Nothing. Now，Ican think in English，speak in English，and write in English. Some people thinkI'm an Indian. Some people regard I'm a Pakistan. And some people even considerthat I'm an Egyptian. But if I could speak English as good as an American，myfuture would be brilliant. So I work very hard.
英语演讲稿7
亲爱的老师和同学们：
我很高兴在这里说点什么。这时，我想谈谈我的爱好。
我有很多爱好。首先，我喜欢玩电子游戏。电脑游戏很酷。我可以玩一整天。第二，我喜欢各种运动。我喜欢新鲜空气和阳光。和朋友踢足球很有趣。
在海里游泳是我最喜欢的。我也喜欢在家画画。此外，我喜欢音乐。我喜欢唱歌。我经常在街上散步时唱电影歌曲。当然，我每天都学英语。如你所知，英语在世界各地都被使用。所以我学英语很努力。我希望有一天我能环游世界，和外国人说英语。
还有更多我喜欢做的。还有我想说的`。也许下次我可以告诉你更多。谢谢大家的倾听。
英语演讲稿8
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
英语演讲稿9
尊敬的各位领导、老师：
大家下午好！我叫xx，原来在xx小学工作，近几年来一直从事小学英语的教学，今年因工作调动，调整到我们xx小学工作，我感到非常的高兴，同时，也非常感谢我们学校领导能给我这样一次展示自我、成就自我的机会。我今天我竞聘的岗位是三、四年级的英语教学。
首先我说一下自己的基本情况和工作业绩：我xx年毕业于xx师专数学系，后分配到xx中学从事数学教学，xx年开始改教初中英语，xx年因身体状况，调入小学从事小学英语教学至今，xx年自考大学本科毕业，xx年被评为中学一级教师。
自工作以来，我一直兢兢业业，勤奋工作，所教科目成绩一直据全镇前列，特别是近几年来从事小学英语教学，所教班级多次获得全镇第一名，个人也多次被评为镇教育先进工作者、优秀教师，区优秀教师，个人年考核优秀等次的荣誉称号，并有多篇论文在市级报纸发表。
下面我谈一下，我竞聘英语教师的几个优势和条件：
1。有良好的师德
我为人处事的原则是：老老实实做人，认认真真工作，开开心心生活。自己一贯注重个人品德素质的培养，努力做到尊重领导，团结同志，工作负责，办事公道，不计较个人得失，对工作对同志有公心，爱心，平常心和宽容心。自从参加工作以来，我首先在师德上严格要求自己，要做一个合格的人民教师！认真学习和领会上级教育主管部门的文件精神，与时俱进，爱岗敬业，为人师表，热爱学生，尊重学生，争取让每个学生都能享受到最好的教育，都能有不同程度的发
2。有较高的专业水平
我从xx师专数学系毕业后曾到xx师范大学进修英语教学培训，系统而又牢固地掌握了英语教学的专业知识。多年来始终在教学第一线致力于小学英语教学及研究，使自己的专业知识得到进一步充实、更新和扩展。
3。有较强的教学能力
从选择教师这门职业的第一天起，我最大的心愿就是做一名受学生欢迎的`好老师，为了这个心愿，我一直在不懈努力着。要求自己做到牢固掌握本学科的基本理论知识。
熟悉相关学科的文化知识，不断更新知识结构，精通业务，精心施教，把握好教学的难点重点，认真探索教学规律，钻研教学艺术，努力形成自己的教学特色。我的教学风格和教学效果普遍受到学生的认可和欢迎。
以上所述情况，是我竞聘英语教师的优势条件，假如我有幸竞聘上岗，这些优势条件将有助于我更好的开展英语教学工作。
如果我有幸竞聘成功，能担任三四年级英语教师的话，我将从以下方面开展工作。
一是认真贯彻执行党的教育路线、方针、政策和学校的各项决定，加强学习，积极进取，求真务实，开拓创新，不断提高自己的综合素质、创新能力，用自己的勤奋加智慧，完成好教学任务。使我校的英语教学上一个大的台阶。
二是做一个科研型的教师。教师的从教之日，正是重新学习之时。新时代要求教师具备的不只是操作技巧，还要有直面新情况、分析新问题、解决新矛盾的本领。进行目标明确、有针对性解决我校的英语教学难题。
做一个理念新的教师
目前，新一轮的基础教育改革早已在我市全面推开，作为新课改的实践者，要在认真学习新课程理念的基础上，结合自己所教的学科，积极探索有效的教学方法。大力改革教学，积极探索实施创新教学模式。把英语知识与学生的生活相结合，为学生创设一个富有生活气息的真实的学习情境，同时注重学生的探究发现，引导学生在学习中学会合作交流，提高学习能力。
做一个富有爱心的老师
“不爱学生就教不好学生”，“爱学生就要爱每一个学生”。作为一名教师，要无私地奉献爱，处处播洒爱，使我的学生在爱的激励下，增强自信，勇于创新，不断进取，成长为撑起祖国一片蓝天的栋梁。用质朴的心爱护学生，用诚挚的情感染学生，用精湛的教学艺术熏陶学生，用忘我的工作态度影响学生。
尊敬的各位领导，各位老师，我会珍惜现有的每一个机会，努力工作，发挥出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、饱满的热情上好自己的英语课程，享受我的教学乐趣！
最后我想说：做教师，我无悔！做英语教师，我快乐！
英语演讲稿10
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.
We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. The greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators—if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself--demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
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